Envisioning feminist futures: GADN's newest project tackles alternative development from ideas to outcomes

In June 2016, GADN released a pack of papers under the banner of Feminist Development Alternatives, the product of many months’ deliberation around the question of what feminist visions of development might look like – and what steps we need to take to achieve them. This project was an opportunity for GADN’s members and allies to take a step back from the priorities and imperatives set by government agendas, funding possibilities and news cycles to reflect on why and how we each engage in gender and development work.

Very early on, it became clear that this project could not take the form of a single paper, a single vision for feminist development approaches and ideals. Thus, the Feminist Development Alternatives project comprises seven papers, plus an overview paper that roots the project in GADN’s core mission and values. The pack inspired a members meeting in July 2016, where a wide selection of GADN’s members and allies shared their own concerns, aspirations and ideals for our work as gender and development specialists.

Here are some of the questions that the Feminist Development Alternatives project has raised, through the papers themselves and the discussion that they have inspired.

Co-optation of feminist language and goals

Almost across the board, there is concern amongst advocates for gender equality that feminist ideals have been co-opted in the service of other goals. Where we have advocated for women’s rights as an inherently good thing, we increasingly hear that empowerment promotes economic growth, peace or family wellbeing, perhaps to the detriment of women’s rights work broadly writ. As contributor Zohra Moosa of Mama Cash said in our meeting, we need to think in terms of checking power and be clear that women’s rights matter because women’s rights matter, not as means to any other goals.

Fragmentation of the gender and development agenda

This issue finds expression in two key areas: the ever-increasing drive towards project-based rather than core funding, and the compartmentalisation of agendas into bite-sized, decontextualised pieces. Diminishing funding pots for gender equality and development more broadly have bred a need for demonstrable and immediate results, binding practitioners to a set of pre-approved themes and goals and stifling more durable, comprehensive, sustainable feminist work and thinking.

At the same time, agendas like ending violence against women and girls has fragmented into a piecemeal set of goals including sexual violence in armed conflict, domestic and intimate partner violence, female genital mutilation/cutting and so forth. A more holistic and contextualised approach that acknowledges the pervasive and systemic nature of violence in women’s lives would seem to be in recession. Many in our networks are calling for a more integrated feminist agenda, as Neelanjana Mukhia highlighted in her contribution to the debate.

Supporting women’s rights organisations – in the UK and in the Global South

A number of contributors spoke about how smaller women’s rights organisations are being edged out by larger international NGOs and private sector actors like philanthropic foundations.

These voices call for more of us to walk the talk on our principles with gender audits, assessments of how we’re approaching the funding landscape as a sector, and even new alliances with other networks and feminist organisations at home and abroad.

Some attendees advocated for greater engagement with activists, academics and networks in the Global South – giving platform to feminist voices, and especially those that aren’t often heard in our circles, by inviting and promoting feminist speakers, citing feminist sources in our reports (no matter the subject matter) and sharing the stage with allies wherever possible.

Walking the talk on intersectionality

As Neelanjana pointed out, gender inequality exists within a neoliberal system where different inequalities and oppressions intersect. Race, gender, sexuality, social class and ability, amongst other axes of repression, can come together to create barriers to equality that are more than just the sum of their parts. The structures and institutions that make these injustices possible and propel them forward will need to be addressed before we can see real equality. This is another area our members encouraged us to build alliances with UK-based and Southern feminist networks, and especially with feminists of colour around the world. By seeking out and amplifying their voices, we can give them a platform to speak back to the UK development sector and challenge all of us to improve our work.

Continuing the conversation

Amidst considerable change and uncertainty, GADN is taking this opportunity to continue this conversation about feminist ideals and approaches to development. We hope the pack of papers captures the spirit of debate around these issues, but that debate does not end here. We invite your input and engagement with the papers and the question of Feminist Development Alternatives in a spirit of optimism.

The space below will function as a discussion platform for all of us where we can share concerns, questions and ideas on feminist development principles and practice.

How can we best express that women's rights matter because women's rights matter?

What needs to change in how we do our work as gender advocates?

How can we account for women’s intersectional identities?

Join the conversation and share your ideas for a better, more feminist vision of development.

Now is the time to be brave!

Turning Promises into Progress for Gender Equality and Women's and Girls' Rights

The Beijing Conference on Women marked an important moment in the struggle for gender equality and the rights of women and girls but, twenty years on, what’s changed?

For a start, gender is now firmly on the agenda at least here in the UK. Internationally too there is more talk of gender equality than in previous decades.  But, sadly, talk is often all there is.  The plethora of international commitments has not really translated into the achievement of gender equality.

There have been some successes, most notably where the MDGs brought new funding and some political pressure; more girls in school, more women in parliaments.  But we still live in a world where one in three women will be subjected to sexual or intimate partner violence in their lifetime, where women continue to earn less than men for doing the same work and are more likely to be living in poverty, and where women are excluded from meaningful decision making whether at home or in international negotiations.  In every country in the world women and girls still face discrimination and the denial of their rights simply because of their gender.

To mark the twentieth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration, and fifteen years after the ground-breaking United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 recognised the importance of women’s full and equal participation as actors for peace and security, we at the Gender and Development network have joined with colleagues at Gender Action for Peace and Security (GAPS) and the UK Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) network to produce a new report Turning Promises into Progress.  Combining our expertise enabled us to look in more depth across eight issue areas central to gender equality (women, peace and security, violence against women and girls, sexual and reproductive health and rights, political participation and influence, education, economic justice, unpaid care and discriminatory social norms) to consider the advances made or, more often, not made.

Throughout the report we have made concrete recommendations which we hope can inform development thinking in the future.  In particular we suggest how to begin tackling the causes of gender equality to make real progress in the decades to come for example by building women’s ability to make their own choices, supporting women’s rights organisations and collective action, promoting positive social norms, and rethinking government approaches to the economy. 

As we reflect on the landmark anniversaries and look forward to the implementation of the post-2015 agenda we can perhaps allow ourselves some cautious optimism.  Technical expertise is greater and the women’s movement is growing stronger; organisations around the world have marked the Beijing anniversary with calls to action that are both practical and inspiring.  The question now is whether we can garner the necessary political will and resources over the coming decade to secure the rights of women and girls and achieve gender equality.

Justice Obstructed

When Timor-Leste passed the Law Against Domestic Violence (LADV), victims and advocates hailed the fact that victims would have an option other than the traditional justice system, which provides an animal or some money as compensation in exchange for the victim not taking the case forward to pursuing further justice.  Yet, what a recent domestic violence victim experienced in the Dili District Court was as if she was back in this traditional system, but with none of the convenience or efficiency of that system. 

 

Getting to court for a domestic violence victim in Timor-Leste is a huge undertaking.  Victims must first have the courage to speak out against and potentially leave their attacker—a family member with whom they share a past and many connections.  If they do so, they may face retaliation and/or ostracism.  Then, the victim must file a case and spend their own time and money (which they often do not have) to get to and from the police station, meetings with attorneys, and court.  All the while, they may be threatened by the suspect or forced to continue living with them due to family dynamics and economic dependency.  Despite having protection orders available under the law (LADV Art. 37), no such orders are known to have been issued and much skepticism remains regarding whether police would enforce them.  This instability may last months or even a year, due to backlog and inefficiency in placing cases on the court docket.

 

Facing these odds, it is no wonder that so few cases are filed in Timor-Leste.  Victims generally prefer to utilize the familiar, expeditious and free local justice system, though it has fewer protections for victims’ rights.  Moreover, given these challenges, it is miraculous when a case finally makes it in front of a judge.  Thus, court officers in Timor-Leste need to be particularly sensitive to the challenges of victims when facing a domestic violence case.  Given the long path a victim takes to reach the court, court officers must not hinder the process.

 

Unfortunately, the court officers at the recent hearing in Dili did not recognize this long struggle and the courage it takes for a victim to charge and confront her attacker.  In the courtroom at the Tribunál Districtál Dili, the judge treated the case in a manner reminiscent of the traditional system.  A manner in which the victim’s life and dignity are for sale for the price of ONE cow.  Sitting in the courtroom, the judge asked the victim once whether she would like to proceed.  The victim responded to “ba oin” (go forward).  Insensitive to the resolve it took for a victim to respond as such, the judge reminded her that she would be going ahead with a case that would “send her [attacker] to Becora [prison].”  He then asked her again if she was sure she wanted to proceed and whether she would like 5 minutes to think about it.  In the 5 minute discussion she had with the prosecutor—a man who did not intervene to protect the case despite his obligation to do so, but instead also encouraged the victim to use mediation—the victim’s resolve was turned, the strength it took to confront her previous means of support and close family member deteriorated, the months of waiting and the dollars spent traveling to law and police offices wasted, and the legitimacy of the Timor-Leste justice system in responding to endemic domestic violence eroded.

 

When the case continued after this 5-minute recess, the victim returned and agreed to resolve the case with mediation.  She asked for one cow from her attacker, who promptly argued against the fairness of this request—unappreciative of the kindness his victim had given him.  With that, the judge adjourned the court and the victim left having incited the anger of her family for wasting their time and money utilizing the formal system, and with nothing more to show than what she would have likely received had she used the traditional system in the first place.  While the public crime clause in the LADV (Art. 36) gives victims special protection by providing that their case cannot be closed, where a case is charged as a semi-public crime (such as where no “family economy” is found, as in this case), the case can be closed with the victim’s consent. 

 

This case demonstrates that the formal protection system is lacking an important understanding of what it takes for a victim to confront his/her attacker, and how the formal system must distinguish itself from the traditional system in order to be effective.  If it does not develop this sensitivity and, instead, continues to act as the traditional system would, it risks losing its legitimacy as well as placing numerous victims at risk of being re-victimized. 

 

Ba Futuru, a Timorese NGO, has been working on these issues since November 2011 under its Empowering Women and Establishing Grassroots Protection Networks project.  The project, which runs for three years, is funded by the European Union for nearly 300,000 Euro and Australian AID for approximately 70,000 USD.  The project aims to combat violence against vulnerable populations in Timor-Leste and increase access to justice through a three-pronged approach: training local leaders on gender issues, conflict resolution, child protection, legal frameworks and referral pathways; empowering teams of local women, through training and support, to serve as protection agents; and producing annual policy recommendations and conducting advocacy for changes needed in the formal protection system.

 

Lindsey Greising